After many months chewing on the information we gathered in Delhi, the question that keeps nagging us is, what part of this, if any, is sustainable?  There seems to be a real disconnect between what we read in the literature about urban agriculture and what we saw on the ground with the farmers we worked with.  A lot of the literature points towards the potentials of urban agriculture; improved health, use of organic wastes, greening of city spaces, and so on.  To be fair, most of the literature is talking about a very different type of urban agriculture (in more affluent, developed areas), but nonetheless, we saw a very different picture on the ground.  These were real farmers struggling to make a living.  Livelihood requirements trumped anything else.

There is a real tension here between the more short-term, immediate decisions that people make for livelihoods and the longer-term strategies required for sustainability.  The farmers said themselves that using organic fertilizer was better.  They knew that not leaving fields fallow was contributing to loss of production potential.  They knew these things; but with land tenure uncertain and the need for immediate income, they relied on methods they knew and that would have a more immediate return.

The take-away lesson for us is that people’s livelihoods have to be at the center of any discussion about sustainability and making changes.  At a most basic level the need to provide for oneself and one’s family is a major driver of behavior.  We need to be able to recognize this tension between short-term livelihood decisions and long-term sustainability goals and forge a path that works with people’s need to provide for their families, but does so in an environmentally and socially conscious way.

The starting point for this project was simply to find out what is going on in terms of urban agriculture in Delhi on the ground and literally in the field.  As a brief description of what we found regarding basic characteristics, here is our summary:

Our research was conducted with 35 farming families across eight sites between June 19th and June 30th, 2011 (check out ‘Map of Field Sites’ below).  The typical farm family size is six to ten people, with both men and women actively participating.  Farm sizes vary somewhat; however, in general, the typical total land farmed is 11 bigha, which is slightly less than two acres (one bigha is approximately 1/6 acre and is the commonly used unit of land measurement).  Most families live on the land they farm, although some own a house or property elsewhere.  Houses on the farms range from temporary reed structures to sturdy mud houses.

We reported on types of vegetable crops grown in an earlier posting; however, this a little broader summary since Delhi farmers produce a wide variety of goods.  Vegetable crops are most common, but two sites produced primarily roses, and one site had landscape nurseries.  Commonly grown crops include gourds (e.g. bottle and bitter gourd), eggplant, okra, corn, pumpkins, cucumber, chilies, lobia (a pulse), spinach, cauliflower, mustard, wheat, rice, other leafy vegetables, tomatoes, melons, watermelon, carrots, and radishes.  A few farmers also have fruit trees, such as jamun (local fruit) or guava, although these were not reported as a primary crop.  In addition to food crops, many farmers grow some type of flower, either roses or marigolds.  These flowers are important for many Hindu religious practices and are thus in high demand.  Some farms supported animals such as a cow and calf or a few goats for personal milk consumption.

Delhi farmers are able to grow nearly year-round.  In October and November they plant hardy winter crops including cauliflower and dark leafy greens.  Summer crops, such as gourds, eggplant, okra, and chilies, are planted around March.  Some farmers also choose to plant rice in June, right before the monsoon months of July, August, and September.  The general attitude is that if it survives, then it is additional income.  Crop productivity is high enough to support most farmers and their families year round, even during the monsoon season, and few farmers look for other means of employment in between growing seasons.

Of the 35 farm families interviewed, only one reported growing crops primarily for personal consumption.  Most indicated that they may consume a little of their produce, but reported that they buy most of their food.  Farm families that grow crops exclusively for personal consumption are likely to have other means of employment and, therefore, spend less time working in the field–which is probably why we didn’t run into more subsistence farmers in the field.  Once crops are harvested, the majority are sold through one or more of the many distribution options available to Delhi farmers.  We identified three primary types of distribution options: direct to consumer, direct to vendor, and market sales.  Direct to consumer and direct to vendor (vendors coming directly to the farm to pick-up crops) were not widely used distribution strategies, and less than a third of farmers mentioned either of these.  The majority of Delhi farmers sell their produce at various markets in the city, the most popular for this group being Chandri Chowk and Azadpur Sabzi (check out ‘Images from Vegetable Wholesale Market’ below).  Farmers who grow roses or marigolds often take their harvest to Chandri Chowk, a market known for selling Hindu ceremonial items.  Many farmers sell their produce themselves at the markets, while others reported selling it to a vendor/distributor who then sells to the consumer.  Most farmers used at least two distribution options, but a few reported using up to three or four.

To aid in farm work, most of the farmers hire temporary laborers at various times throughout the year, and a few farms reported having permanent hired labor.  In general, smaller farms (1-10 bigha; 0.2 to 1.7 acres) hire 2 to 4 laborers, while larger farms (10-25 bigha; 1.7 to 4.2 acres) will hire 7 to 10, although a few larger farms did report hiring only a few laborers.  The largest farm that we interviewed reported having a labor force upwards of 500 throughout the season.  Labor is brought in to assist across all stages of farming, from planting and tilling to weeding and harvesting, but is most sought after during sowing season.  In most cases, labor is hired to assist the farmer with farming activities; however, in a few cases the individuals interviewed reported that they do not do any of the farm-work themselves, but rather act as supervisor to the hired labor.  While data on the amount spent on labor a year is not available for all farms, a few farmers did state that they spend approximately Rs. 4,000-5,000 (at time of research this would have been roughly $90-110) on labor annually.

This snapshot provides a brief description of what urban agriculture looks like on the ground in Delhi based on our interviews.  The next step is to think about what it really means to farm in an urban context—the benefits and opportunities, as well as the challenges and vulnerabilities.

 

 During our ten days of fieldwork, we were able to explore eight areas along the Yamuna River.  The typical day consisted of getting to the metro by 9 am (along with what seemed like half of the Delhi population–we truly appreciated the women-only cars!), meeting our interpreter by 9:15, finding a rickshaw driver who was able and willing to take us to a place that we could point to on a map but lacked any street name (or street access in many cases), and arriving to the general area of our desired destination by 10:30.  At that point, we were on foot, literally in the field, looking for anyone who was actively farming the land and willing to talk to us.  Interviews lasted about 30-45 minutes, and we averaged 4-5 interviews in each area.  We selected areas so that we could create a transect of the river from north to south.  This is a summary of each of the eight areas (refer to map #s for geographic reference):

Area 1: We actually ended up in this area by requesting that the rickshaw driver take us to a place where we would have access to the river.  One right turn instead of a left…and here we were!  This area is owned by a private landowner, and many of the farmers are recent migrants from a more rural area.  The area is above the floodplain and outside of the Delhi city limits.  Farmers live here permanently and grow vegetable crops year round.

Area 2: This area is above the Wazirabad Barrage (flood control dam).  It is comprised of both privately owned and government (Delhi Development Authority or DDA) land.  It floods seasonally based on the severity of the monsoon rains.  The farmers live here temporarily and some have permanent residences elsewhere.  There are vegetable and cereal crops, as well as a few small herds of water buffalo.  This is also the field in which we were told to stay on the path since there are cobras—just moments after we had bushwhacked our way through to find a path!  There are also natural ponds scattered along this stretch of land.  The main road along the eastern boundary is elevated, perhaps functioning as a natural flood barrier during monsoon season, which isolates this area, and makes it a bit of a challenge to find a pedestrian path down into it.

Area 3: This is a tiny island that supports a small farming community.  It requires a rowboat to access it.  It is below the Wazirabad Barrage, meaning that the quality of the water is problematic, and irrigation is by means of wells.  There are a number of islands supporting agriculture in the Yamuna, and this one produces vegetable crops from end to end.  The housing structures are temporary and rebuilt each year after the seasonal floods recede.  It is DDA land that the farming community leases through a cooperative society (more on that later…).

Area 4: This area sits in the shadow of the Old Iron Bridge.  There is intensive intercropping of vegetable crops.  This area was highly productive of roses until a recent flood destroyed the perennial flowers.  Farmers live in temporary structures.

Area 5: It took a circuitous route to be able to access this area that has recently been bounded on the west by a major interstate highway.  There is also a newly installed park area, complete with pond, benches, and tightly mowed grass.  Farmers live in temporary structures and move to higher ground during the monsoon season to wait out the floods in tents.  Vegetable crops dominate, but there is some sugarcane.  Many farmers have goats or a cow for milk.  This is DDA land.

Area 6: This area has been divided by the construction of the metro.  It is interspersed with forest, landscape nurseries, roses, and vegetable crops.  This area has been more impacted by development than the other areas.  Some of this land is DDA owned, and some seems to be privately owned.  Farmers informed us that they are not legally allowed to reside on this land, and most of the structures are temporary in nature.  It rarely floods.

Area 7: This area has been impacted by highway/metro development and the 2010 Commonwealth Games.  Most of the farmers grow vegetable crops because of the seasonal floods.  This land is DDA owned and farmers do not permanently reside here.  Some farmers have goats or a cow for milk.  The soil here is like baby powder underfoot.  It is unclear as to whether this is the result of overuse of pesticides/fertilizers or the quality of the floodwater during the monsoon season (or both); however, it is clear that it is low in organic matter.

Area 8: This area is situated just above the Okhla Barrage and outside of the Delhi city limits.  It is smaller in land area than the other areas that we visited, and is surrounded by peri-urban development.  The land is privately owned, but the farmers here rent from landowners.  Flooding is rare, and many live here permanently.  This area is also situated to the southeast of the Okhla Water Treatment Plant, which provides a source for irrigation.  Part of this area supports a herd of water buffalo, and the rest supports vegetable crops.

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There is a common sentiment among the professionals that we have talked to here in Delhi that farming along the Yamuna poses a threat to the river due to chemical fertilizer and pesticide runoff. We completed 35 total interviews with farmers between June 19th and 30th, and we learned a little bit about farming practices. I will say first that the farmers we spoke with represent a whole range of methods when it comes to amending soil fertility and pest control. There seems to be a few things going on: fertilizer use seems to be linked to baseline soil fertility and annual flooding frequency, as well as knowledge or how farming skills were acquired (i.e. first or second generation farm).

Our 35 farmers live across 6 areas representing the length of the Yamuna as it comes into and then exits Delhi. Although there were consistencies within areas–perhaps linked to similar soils, crops, and flooding frequency–there were some surprising variations too. For example, in one area, two farms were just a few hundred feet in distance and yet used very different practices. One farm used only 2-3 kg of chemical fertilizers per bigha (one bigha is approximately 1/6 acre and is the commonly used unit of land measurement). They sprayed for pests once every five months. The other farm used 50 kg of chemical fertilizer per bigha per year and was spraying often weekly for pests. This second farm spent 40% of its income on fertilizers and pesticides. These two farms were growing nearly identical crops, both were using crop rotation methods, and both were irrigating with water from a pipe running to the local water treatment facility. But each had drastically different approaches to improving soil fertility and preventing pests.

There was a similar situation in another area where one farm was applying 10-12 trolleys (not sure of what volume this is equivalent to) of cow dung to 20 bigha of land every six months, whereas an adjacent farm was applying 200 kg of chemical fertilizer per bigha to 15 bigha of land–that’s 3000 kg! The farm that was heavily using chemical fertilizers said that they did not have access to organic fertilizers.

It is possible–and likely–that there may be some reporting error by farmers who may be guessing at the amounts of fertilizers and pesticides that they use. However, it does seem that some farms have limited communication with adjacent farms. But many of these farms are only a few acres in size so it would seem that they would cross paths on occasion. So far this is just a snapshot of one farming practice that we have explored. But the variation in methods is amazing.

We are slowly dribbling back to UCD from Delhi–John departed two weeks ago, Kate left yesterday, and I depart in two days. We plan to keep posting our findings and thoughts as we dig into our pages upon pages of interview notes. For now, the real question is how long these farmers will be able to farm this land. Obviously this is an environmental issue, but it also has political and social complications…

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